Brutkey

Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

*346ppm (er) DisabilityFlag

Climate activist. White, cis male, physically disabled.
German and English, posts are mainly in German.


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Grew up in
@LuetziBleibt@climatejustice.social
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he/him
Just My Toots
https://justmytoots.com/@radieschen@climatejustice.social
Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

Die eBooks von Full Spectrum Resistance gibt's gerade kostenlos zum Download, kann ich sehr empfehlen!

Es zeigt, dass Widerstand notwendig ist und erfolgreich sein kann, wie wichtig Diversity of Tactics ist und was Gruppen bzw Organisationen verschiedener Größe bei Organisierung, Sicherheit/Repression, Strategie und Taktik beachten müssen.

https://www.sevenstories.com/blogs/377-free-ebook-full-spectrum-resistance-vols-1-2-by-aric-mcbay

CHAPTER 1 Why We Fight “I know the one thing we did right / was the day we started to fight.” —“Keep Your Eyes on the Prize,” civil rights anthem “We are never assured of justice without a fight.” —Angela Davis I WROTE THIS BOOK BECAUSE WE ARE LOSING. The global exploitation of the poor is accelerating even as the richer grow wealthier than at any point in history. The fertile planet that keeps us all alive is being poisoned, baked, and stripped bare. Remaining Indigenous and traditional people continue to be attacked and pushed off their lands so that the rich can exploit resources that will be exhausted in a few decades anyway. We are losing and we need to learn how to win, fast. I’ve been a social and ecological justice activist for two decades. In that time, I’ve worked on waste reduction and recycling projects, organized with anti-poverty community groups, and marched (or sat in jail) at summit protests. I’ve helped start a community garden and organic farming operations. I’ve written four books, and given speeches to both academics and angry crowds. I’ve been a union organizer and a farm organizer. I’ve worked with militant conservation groups using direct confrontation and civil disobedience. I’ve developed a broad perspective on political action that comes from using many different tactics in many different campaigns. But the truth is that in almost every campaign I have worked on in my life, we have lost ground. In ecological campaigns like forest defense, that’s been literally true. In anti-poverty campaigns, it’s reflected in the ever-growing gap between rich and poor. This is not only my experience, but the experience of many activists working on many different issues. In areas where I do feel like progress has been made—say, queer rights—there is a constant threat of backlash and backsliding. The gains we have won rest on a temporary and unstable foundation; we cannot expect to win long-term human rights from a society that is based on flagrant ecological unsustainability. If we want to reverse this tide of losses, we must speak honestly to each other about the situation we are in, and about its severity. We must speak about why we have been losing and what that means for the future. This book is about what makes for effective action. It is about how to organize effective resistance movements. If we want to make social change and defend a habitable biosphere, we must unflinchingly examine those tendencies (especially those on the left) that have made us ineffective. I will dissect some of these pernicious predispositions in the pages to come. Some of these barriers to action are misconceptions about how power works in society. The left in general has been naïve about the effectiveness of “moral suasion.”1 Too many people have clung to the faith in government that “good citizens” are supposed to have. We often work under the assumption that those in power will be convinced to stop their atrocities if we offer them a good example or a well-reasoned argument. Historically, this is nearly unheard of. The unfortunate reality is that most people in power—whether in political office or a corporate boardroom—benefit greatly from their status and have been trained not to question the power structures that put them there. Further, when we try to make social change we rarely deal with thinking and compassionate individuals who can be persuaded by moral example. We deal with large, abstract social machines: corporations and corporate-structured governments. You can’t persuade a machine. In the social machine of the profitable corporation, the anomalously compassionate individual is merely a defective component to be replaced by the bosses or shareholders. We have failed to think and act strategically. We’ve based so many of our campaigns on the idea that those in power will stop exploiting people and destroying the planet if only they can be educated out of a few minor mistakes. This is a comforting myth for those who might otherwise feel powerless. But it is a myth we cannot afford to cling to any longer. By allowing those in power to determine the agenda and the timetable for change we have given up the initiative, and we have failed to develop appropriate strategy ourselves. We need resistance movements. If we want to become effective at combating runaway climate change and countless other injustices, thinking people on the left must stop acting like “the loyal opposition” and start acting like a real resistance force. We have to learn from the strategies and resistance movements of the past.
Tadzio Mueller
@muellertadzio@climatejustice.social

@Rhabarberbaer@digitalcourage.social vorschlag: füge du sie ein, ich retröte dich. ich produziere wahnsinnig viel content im alleingang, und bin ein sehr nicht visueller mensch. die zeitinvestition in alt-text ist für mich daher problematisch, ich sehe aber die notwendigkeit. also anstatt mir immer zu sagen "mach mal" (im sinne von: setz mal bitte deine begrenzte zeit so ein, wie ich mir das vorstelle), mach's selbst, tag mich, ich reposte, boom. alle sind glücklich.

Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

Nee sorry @muellertadzio@climatejustice.social, damit sind nicht alle glücklich.

Es wäre in dem Fall so einfach gewesen: Copy & Paste des Textes auf den Bildern. Dafür ist es nicht notwendig, ein visueller Mensch zu sein.

Es ist schon manchmal krass, wie ableistisch die Klimagerechtigkeitsbewegung ist, obwohl diese für viele andere den Anspruch hat, ein diskriminierungssensibler Raum zu sein.

Menschen mit Behinderung können aufgrund von unterschiedlichsten Barrieren bei vielen Aktionsformen nicht teilnehmen. Dabei ist es im digitalen Raum so viel leichter, Inklusion zu ermöglichen. Es gibt die Werkzeuge dafür, wir müssen sie nur nutzen. Und wie bei allen Inklusionsthemen ist das großartige daran, dass es nicht nur Betroffenen nutzt, sondern auch Menschen, die beispielsweise im Zug sitzen und Bilder einfach nicht angezeigt bekommen.

Du forderst hier (zu Recht) Solidarität JETZT für einen queeren Menschen. Der Aufruf ist etwas, woran sich eigentlich alle beteiligen könnten, die auf Mastodon unterwegs sind. Aber weil du zu faul bist, dir 2 Minuten Zeit zu nehmen um das nochmal als Textform in der Bildbeschreibung unterzubringen, schließt du diese Menschen aus. Sie können sich nicht beteiligen und sie können es auch nicht reposten, weil gar nicht klar ist, um was es genau geht. Somit geht auch ein Multiplikator verloren.

Und ganz unabhängig vom ALT Text wärs ne viel kleinere Barriere, auf den Link zu klicken wenn es im Post einen Link geben würde und nicht nur irgendwo rechts unten auf dem letzten Share Pic.

Es geht hier nicht darum, dass andere dir vorschreiben, wie du mit deiner begrenzten Zeit umgehen sollst. Es geht darum, dass du deine Privilegien reflektierst und diese nutzt, um nach oben zu treten und nicht nach unten. Wenn dir dafür die Zeit fehlt, dann mach halt weniger und dafür inklusiveren Content.

Die Klimakrise bietet die große Chance, Kämpfe zu verbinden. Dafür braucht es Allyship und das funktioniert nur mit gegenseitiger Soliarität. Also sei bitte ein Vorbild und versuch dir anzugewöhnen, Alt Texte zu schreiben. Das kann man auch als kleine Challenge sehen und mit etwas Übung wird's einfacher und hoffentlich auch für andere normaler.
https://alttexthalloffame.org/en/

#DisabilityJustice ist #Antifa!

#Ableismus

@Rhabarberbaer@digitalcourage.social

Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

@danbar87@mastodon.social Diese öffentliche Kritik an der @AufstandLastGen@climatejustice.social spaltet die Bewegung, indem sie in "gute" und "schlechte" Aktivistis aufgeteilt wird. Das macht Repressionen auf die eine Seite leichter und ermöglicht es, die moderate Seite durch unzureichende Zugeständnisse ruhig zu stellen. Klassisches Divide and Conquer, und da ist noch nichtmal ne Spaltung von außen notwendig, solange wir das selbst erledigen.

Natürlich braucht es mehr als die Aktionen der LG und ich wär nicht so viel in Lützi gewesen wenn ich die Aktionen der LG für die zielführendsten halten würde. Aber mehr Verständnis für Diversity of Tactics und weniger "meine Aktionsform ist die beste" würde ich mir schon wünschen.

CC @carorackete@climatejustice.social @MomoZK@mastodon.social

Screenshot aus Full Spectrum Resistance Volume 1

Horizontal Hostility. Having failed to fight against those in power, ppl take out their anger and frustrations on each other. It is a lot easier to fight the person next to you than someone in a distant house of parliament or corporate headquarters. And if victory continues to elude them, it’s because their would-be allies are reactionaries, or vanguardists, or dangerous anarchists and vandals. Ppl who are willing to fight back often have more fiery and combative personalities, so such conflict is easy to provoke. The term “horizontal hostility” was coined by Black intersectionalist feminist and civil rights organizer Florynce Kennedy; she called it “misdirected anger that rightly should be focused on the external causes of oppression.” Ann Hansen explained to me that this phenomenon is so destructive that intelligence agencies “like CSIS and the RCMP don’t have to spend one cent in our communities, because people spend all their time attacking each other over the little things instead of talking about strategy.” Michael Albert, writing about what happens to ppl who encounter a movement for the 1st time, asks: “Does this person merge into a growing community of people, feel more secure and appreciated, feel a growing sense of personal worth and of contribution to something valuable, and enjoy a sense of accomplishment? . . . Or does this person meet a lot of other people who continually question her motives and behavior, making her feel insecure and constantly criticized?”
Kuketz-Blog 🛡🛡
@kuketzblog@social.tchncs.de

Nutzt für das Einreichen von #Petitionen bitte die Plattform des jeweiligen Bundeslandes oder des Bundes. Wer bspw. auf privaten Petitionsplattformen wie change.org veröffentlicht, der erzielt höchstens mediales Echo. Im Landtag oder Bund findet das kaum/keine Beachtung. Noch dazu ist der Datenschutz auf change.org ein Totalschaden mit Frontalaufprall. Finger weg! 👇👇

Mehr Infos: https://www.kuketz-blog.de/empfehlungsecke/#petition-einreichen

#petition #change #datenschutz

Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

@kuketzblog@social.tchncs.de Petitionen sind sowieso nicht gut darin, diejenigen zu überzeugen, die in der Position sind was zu verändern, sondern um in Kontakt mit sympathisierenden Menschen zu kommen.

Nur falls ihr euch auch schonmal gefragt habt, ob eigentlich irgendeine Petition jemals für irgendwas gut war.

Würde allerdings zustimmen, dass das etwas anders aussieht, wenn sich ein Petitionsausschuss damit beschäftigen muss.

(aus Full Spectrum Resistance Vol 1 von Aric McBay)

Make personal contact via guest talks, social events, or canvassing. Most people find personal relationships and communities more rewarding than abstract ideology. Personal relationships—strong ties—that bind groups together. As A.G. Schwarz argues, “we have emotional ties. I won’t minimize the importance of theory, but I will put it in its place: most people do not risk their lives in struggle on the basis of theory but on the basis of empathy, love, courage, and rage.” Even getting people to sign petitions can be part of this. The strength of a petition has never been an ability to persuade those in power; petitions have been useful historically because they are a small first step and because they allow organizers to make personal, social contact with sympathizers. (Which online petitions fail to do.)
Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

Does anyone know of a #WordPress plugin for events that has proper support for #AltText?

Radieschen
@radieschen@climatejustice.social

Die eBooks von Full Spectrum Resistance gibt's gerade kostenlos zum Download, kann ich sehr empfehlen!

Es zeigt, dass Widerstand notwendig ist und erfolgreich sein kann, wie wichtig Diversity of Tactics ist und was Gruppen bzw Organisationen verschiedener Größe bei Organisierung, Sicherheit/Repression, Strategie und Taktik beachten müssen.

https://www.sevenstories.com/blogs/377-free-ebook-full-spectrum-resistance-vols-1-2-by-aric-mcbay

CHAPTER 1 Why We Fight “I know the one thing we did right / was the day we started to fight.” —“Keep Your Eyes on the Prize,” civil rights anthem “We are never assured of justice without a fight.” —Angela Davis I WROTE THIS BOOK BECAUSE WE ARE LOSING. The global exploitation of the poor is accelerating even as the richer grow wealthier than at any point in history. The fertile planet that keeps us all alive is being poisoned, baked, and stripped bare. Remaining Indigenous and traditional people continue to be attacked and pushed off their lands so that the rich can exploit resources that will be exhausted in a few decades anyway. We are losing and we need to learn how to win, fast. I’ve been a social and ecological justice activist for two decades. In that time, I’ve worked on waste reduction and recycling projects, organized with anti-poverty community groups, and marched (or sat in jail) at summit protests. I’ve helped start a community garden and organic farming operations. I’ve written four books, and given speeches to both academics and angry crowds. I’ve been a union organizer and a farm organizer. I’ve worked with militant conservation groups using direct confrontation and civil disobedience. I’ve developed a broad perspective on political action that comes from using many different tactics in many different campaigns. But the truth is that in almost every campaign I have worked on in my life, we have lost ground. In ecological campaigns like forest defense, that’s been literally true. In anti-poverty campaigns, it’s reflected in the ever-growing gap between rich and poor. This is not only my experience, but the experience of many activists working on many different issues. In areas where I do feel like progress has been made—say, queer rights—there is a constant threat of backlash and backsliding. The gains we have won rest on a temporary and unstable foundation; we cannot expect to win long-term human rights from a society that is based on flagrant ecological unsustainability. If we want to reverse this tide of losses, we must speak honestly to each other about the situation we are in, and about its severity. We must speak about why we have been losing and what that means for the future. This book is about what makes for effective action. It is about how to organize effective resistance movements. If we want to make social change and defend a habitable biosphere, we must unflinchingly examine those tendencies (especially those on the left) that have made us ineffective. I will dissect some of these pernicious predispositions in the pages to come. Some of these barriers to action are misconceptions about how power works in society. The left in general has been naïve about the effectiveness of “moral suasion.”1 Too many people have clung to the faith in government that “good citizens” are supposed to have. We often work under the assumption that those in power will be convinced to stop their atrocities if we offer them a good example or a well-reasoned argument. Historically, this is nearly unheard of. The unfortunate reality is that most people in power—whether in political office or a corporate boardroom—benefit greatly from their status and have been trained not to question the power structures that put them there. Further, when we try to make social change we rarely deal with thinking and compassionate individuals who can be persuaded by moral example. We deal with large, abstract social machines: corporations and corporate-structured governments. You can’t persuade a machine. In the social machine of the profitable corporation, the anomalously compassionate individual is merely a defective component to be replaced by the bosses or shareholders. We have failed to think and act strategically. We’ve based so many of our campaigns on the idea that those in power will stop exploiting people and destroying the planet if only they can be educated out of a few minor mistakes. This is a comforting myth for those who might otherwise feel powerless. But it is a myth we cannot afford to cling to any longer. By allowing those in power to determine the agenda and the timetable for change we have given up the initiative, and we have failed to develop appropriate strategy ourselves. We need resistance movements. If we want to become effective at combating runaway climate change and countless other injustices, thinking people on the left must stop acting like “the loyal opposition” and start acting like a real resistance force. We have to learn from the strategies and resistance movements of the past.